The Guardian: Washington Deals Blow to UAE Ahead of Biden Meeting
The British newspaper The Guardian revealed that the US administration aimed to weaken the UAE before Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan met with Joe Biden at the White House.
Before the meeting, The New York Times published leaked details from US national security officials accusing the UAE of playing a “double game” in Sudan.
The leaks exposed that Abu Dhabi uses airbases in Chad to not only transport aid but also deploy drones to collect battlefield data and assist in arms deliveries to the Rapid Support Forces.
According to The New York Times, these drones fly across Sudan’s deserts, directing arms convoys that smuggle weapons to fighters involved in widespread atrocities and ethnic cleansing.
Over a famine-stricken city in Sudan, drones are supporting a merciless paramilitary group accused of bombing hospitals, looting food, and burning homes, aid organizations report.
However, the drones are reportedly being deployed from a base the UAE insists is part of a humanitarian mission to help the Sudanese population — an effort the UAE describes as a critical priority to prevent famine and protect civilians during Africa’s biggest war.
A Treacherous Two-Faced Strategy
According to the investigation, the United Arab Emirates is engaging in a treacherous two-faced strategy in Sudan, a nation engulfed in one of the most severe civil wars globally. While it seeks to solidify its position as a regional power broker, oil-rich Abu Dhabi is intensifying its secretive efforts to back the likely victors in Sudan by financing, arming, and deploying drones to the combatants across the country, as revealed by officials, internal diplomatic communications, and satellite imagery analyzed by The New York Times.
Simultaneously, the Emirates is positioning itself as a proponent of peace, diplomacy, and humanitarian assistance. It is even utilizing one of the world’s most recognized symbols of aid—the Red Crescent, which parallels the Red Cross—to disguise its covert activities that involve sending drones into Sudan and trafficking weapons to the fighters, according to satellite imagery and statements from U.S. officials.
The Sudan Conflict: Foreign Influence and Humanitarian Crisis
The conflict in Sudan, a nation rich in gold and boasting a 500-mile coastline along the Red Sea, is exacerbated by numerous foreign powers, including Iran and Russia. These countries are supplying arms to the combatants, aiming to sway the conflict in their favor or pursue their own strategic interests, while the Sudanese populace suffers the consequences.
However, officials assert that the UAE is playing the most significant and impactful role in this crisis. While it publicly commits to alleviating the hardships faced by Sudan, behind the scenes, it is exacerbating them.
Hunger is becoming increasingly pervasive in Sudan. A famine was declared last month following 18 months of conflict that has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced 10 million people, creating what the United Nations describes as the largest displacement crisis in the world. Aid organizations label this situation a “historic” disaster.
The UAE says it has made it clear that it is not arming or supporting any of Sudan’s warring parties. On the contrary, it says it is concerned about the “rapid acceleration of the humanitarian crisis” and is pushing for an “immediate ceasefire.”
However, for over a year, the UAE has been discreetly backing the Rapid Support Forces, the paramilitary group engaged in a struggle against the Sudanese army for dominance in Africa’s third-largest country.
Last year, a New York Times investigation revealed the UAE’s arms smuggling activities, which were later corroborated by United Nations investigators in January, who cited “credible” evidence of the UAE’s violations of a two-decade-old U.N. arms embargo on Sudan.
Currently, the UAE is intensifying its covert operations. Powerful Chinese-made drones, the largest utilized in Sudan’s conflict thus far, are being launched from an airfield in Chad that the UAE has converted into a military-style base.
Satellite images reveal that hangars have been constructed and a drone control station established at the airport in Chad. Many aircraft that have operated at this facility during the conflict have previously transported weapons to the UAE in other war zones, including Libya, where the UAE has faced accusations of breaching an arms embargo, according to flight-tracking data analyzed by The New York Times.
U.S. officials indicate that the UAE is currently utilizing the airport to deploy advanced military drones, which are intended to provide on-ground intelligence for the Rapid Support Forces and to escort arms shipments to combatants in Sudan, shielding them from potential ambushes.
Through its analysis of satellite imagery, The New York Times identified the drone in use: the Wing Loong II, a Chinese model frequently likened to the U.S. Air Force’s MQ-9 Reaper.
Evidence of Military Infrastructure and Drone Capabilities
The satellite images reveal the presence of an ammunition depot at the airport, along with a control station for Wing Loong drones situated near the runway, approximately 750 yards from a UAE-operated hospital that is treating injured RSF fighters.
The Wing Loong drone boasts an impressive operational capacity, capable of flying for 32 hours, covering distances of up to 1,000 miles, and carrying a payload of up to 12 missiles or bombs. While officials indicate that these drones have not yet been deployed to conduct airstrikes in Sudan, they are actively providing surveillance and targeting assistance in the tumultuous battlefields.
This capability makes them “a significant force multiplier,” according to Michael Dahm, a senior fellow at the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies in Virginia.
Experts and officials indicate that after taking off from the base, the drones could be controlled remotely from within the UAE. Recently, these drones were observed patrolling the beleaguered Sudanese city of El Fasher, where residents are facing starvation and are besieged by the Rapid Support Forces. With a population of nearly 2 million, the city is grappling with increasing fears of further atrocities as the conflict continues.
In response to the escalating violence, U.S. officials have begun to exert pressure on all parties involved to halt the bloodshed.
U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris addressed the UAE’s support for the Rapid Support Forces directly with Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed during a meeting in December, as reported by officials familiar with the exchange. This week, President Biden also called for an end to the “senseless war,” emphasizing that the RSF’s brutal siege of El Fasher has “morphed into a full-scale assault.”
Upcoming Diplomatic Discussions Amid Ongoing Crisis
The crisis is anticipated to be a key topic when President Biden and Vice President Harris welcome the Emirati leader to the White House for the first time on Monday.
“This has to stop,” stated White House spokesman John F. Kirby regarding the blockade.
Both factions in Sudan’s civil war have been charged with committing war crimes, including heinous attacks that were documented by the fighters themselves.
The conflict ignited in 2023, driven by power struggles between the Sudanese military and the Rapid Support Forces—a paramilitary group that the military played a role in establishing. This conflict erupted into violence on the streets of the capital and swiftly spread throughout the country.
Sudanese military aircraft have targeted civilians, while human rights organizations accuse the Rapid Support Forces of engaging in ethnic cleansing and carrying out indiscriminate bombings that have devastated hospitals, homes, and aid warehouses.
In El Fasher, Doctors Without Borders accused the Sudanese army of bombing a children’s hospital and the Rapid Support Forces of stealing food meant for a camp with 400,000 starving residents. In Khartoum, the RSF shelled the Alia Specialist Hospital in April. Aid workers are attempting to airdrop food into a city described by UN official Toby Harward as “hell on earth.”
The UAE claims to be working to end the conflict and assist victims, providing $230 million in aid and sending 10,000 tons of relief supplies.
The Sudanese civil war has transformed the country into a global battleground. Iran has supplied armed drones to the Sudanese army, which is fighting alongside Ukrainian special forces. Egypt is also supporting the Sudanese military.
Russia is reportedly aiding both sides; UN inspectors found that Wagner mercenaries provided missiles to the RSF, while the Kremlin is now leaning toward supporting the Sudanese military in exchange for access to Red Sea ports. Additionally, the Houthis in Yemen, at Iran’s request, have sent arms to the Sudanese military, and U.S. sources allege that gas-rich Qatar has supplied six Chinese-made warplanes, which both Qatar and the Houthis deny.
Weapons from the UAE
Officials have concluded that the UAE has supplied a range of weapons, including drones, artillery, multiple-launch rocket systems, and MANPADS, to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). This support has diminished the Sudanese military’s air superiority, according to a confidential memo from European ambassador Aidan O’Hara obtained by The New York Times.
The memo also revealed claims that Saudi Arabia financed the Sudanese military to purchase Iranian drones, that up to 200,000 foreign mercenaries are fighting with the RSF, and that Russian Wagner mercenaries are training the RSF to operate anti-aircraft missiles supplied by the UAE.
The UAE’s involvement appears to align with its broader ambitions in Africa, having announced $45 billion in investments across the continent last year—approximately double China’s investment. Its strategy seems to include military interventions, as evidenced by its role in shifting the balance in Ethiopia’s civil war in 2021 through the provision of armed drones, a tactic it appears to be repeating in Sudan with the RSF.
UAE’s Covert Military Support in Chad
Last year, when planes began landing at Amdjers airport, 600 miles east of N’Djamena, the UAE claimed they were setting up a field hospital for Sudanese refugees. However, American officials later discovered that the $20 million facility had been treating RSF fighters and that the planes were also transporting weapons smuggled into Sudan.
A New York Times analysis of satellite images and flight records indicated that the UAE constructed a drone system while promoting its humanitarian efforts. In early May, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan discussed declassified intelligence regarding Emirati military support for the RSF with his Emirati counterpart, but this did not deter UAE support for the RSF, which has reportedly intensified in recent months.
Currently, fewer supply flights are landing at Amdjers due to scrutiny, leading to an increase in truck deliveries that often circumvent major cities. The New York Times has tracked Emirati cargo planes arriving at the airport over the past year.
Evidence of Emirati-supplied weapons has emerged on battlefields, including Serbian-made missiles traced back to the UAE. Souxé Massara, Chad’s former prime minister, stated, “It’s very clear — the Emirates sends money, the Emirates sends weapons.” He warned Chad’s president, Mahamat Idriss Déby, that allowing the UAE to funnel weapons through Chad was a “grave mistake.” Despite this, the UAE has promised Déby a $1.5 billion loan, nearly matching Chad’s national budget of $1.8 billion from the previous year.
UAE’s Multifaceted Support for RSF
The UAE provides support to the RSF in various ways. Earlier this year, a private Emirati jet transported RSF commander Major General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” on a tour of six African nations, where he was treated like a head of state.
Dubai, one of the seven emirates, serves as the hub for the RSF’s business empire, particularly in the gold trade. The U.S. Treasury Department has sanctioned a company identified as a front for the RSF and is currently investigating seven Emirati firms for possible connections to the militant group.
Hemedti’s 34-year-old brother, Agony Hamdan, has resided in Dubai since 2014 and is also subject to U.S. sanctions. Despite this, he has taken on a role as a mediator in the stalled peace negotiations. During discussions in Switzerland last month, Agony stated that the U.S. sanctions do not concern him.
“If it brings peace to Sudan, they can sanction as many companies as they want,” he said.
Hamdan acknowledged that some RSF members have committed abuses, but insisted the UAE does not support the RSF.
“There is no evidence of anything,” he said. “It’s just false propaganda.”
A Beloved Symbol of Relief
The UAE’s activities in Chad have raised significant concerns within the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), one of the oldest and most esteemed humanitarian organizations worldwide.
According to Red Cross spokesman Tommaso Della Longa, the federation only discovered through news reports that the Emirates Red Crescent had established a hospital in Amjers. He noted that the Emirates Red Crescent, funded by the UAE government, had failed to notify the IFRC, which is standard protocol.
The Emirati government has been eager to highlight its charitable efforts. Propaganda has depicted workers delivering aid and caring for patients under the Red Crescent emblem—a symbol originating in the 1870s that is legally protected under the Geneva Conventions. Misusing this emblem could be considered a war crime.
Della Longa stated that the IFRC dispatched fact-finding missions to Chad in 2023 and 2024 to gain a clearer understanding of the UAE’s activities under the Red Crescent name in Amjers. However, they encountered limited results.
Upon arrival, officials were barred from entering the UAE field hospital for “unspecified security reasons,” according to Della Longa. Consequently, the officials left Chad without ever having the opportunity to visit the hospital.
Konyndyk, the head of Refugees International, remarked that it was “unheard of” for an aid organization to obstruct its officials from accessing a hospital meant for treating refugees.
“The UAE seems to be using the Red Crescent as a façade for its documented arms shipments to a militia engaged in atrocities in Darfur.”
In June, the UAE claimed to have treated nearly 30,000 patients and expressed intentions to expand the hospital. However, residents in Amjers report that the hospital operates for only four hours each day.
In April, the UAE established a second field hospital in Chad, located in Abéché. When The New York Times visited the 80-bed facility in July, doctors offered a tour of its well-equipped wards, and the hospital’s director, Dr. Khalid Mohammed, stated it accommodates up to 250 patients daily.
He noted that the hospital is managed by a private Emirati company and has no affiliation with the Red Cross or Red Crescent. However, it closes at 4 p.m. each day, which restricts the medical services it can offer.
The Red Cross is still trying to figure out what the Emiratis are up to.
“The operation is not over,” Della Longa, a Red Cross spokesman, said of the Amgers investigation. “We want to get to the bottom of it.”
As Sudan continues to sink into what many experts call the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, U.S. officials say they are more focused than ever on the conflict.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken convened peace talks last month in Switzerland despite dim prospects for a halt to the fighting.
National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan directly intervened with Saudi officials when they appeared to be blocking the talks, according to three people familiar with the interactions.
Tensions Rise Within the Biden Administration Over UAE Relations
The Biden administration is divided on a critical issue: how aggressively to confront the UAE.
When U.S. envoy to Sudan Tom Perriello suggested in a podcast interview on September 4 that he supported a boycott of the UAE by rapper Macklemore—who recently canceled a concert in Dubai due to the UAE’s involvement in Sudan—it elicited a strong backlash from Emirati officials, according to several sources.
“I didn’t expect Macklemore to be a champion for Sudan,” Perriello quipped.
Some senior officials within the White House and State Department believed Perriello had overstepped, while others were irritated by the notion of yielding to the UAE to preserve good relations.
This disagreement highlights the limitations of challenging the UAE, which is an important ally for the U.S. in numerous global matters. The UAE is a steadfast partner against Iran, a signatory to the Abraham Accords that established diplomatic ties with Israel, a potential key player in postwar Gaza, and has facilitated a prisoner exchange between Ukraine and Russia.
Growing Sensitivity to Criticism
The UAE has often dismissed international criticism, especially regarding its involvement in Yemen, but it now seems increasingly aware of the backlash surrounding its actions in Sudan.
In February, European diplomats pondered whether the UAE would feel any remorse for the “carnage and destruction” resulting from its actions in Sudan. A confidential EU memo suggested that Emirati officials were more worried about potential damage to their reputation than moral culpability.
However, whether the UAE would withdraw from Sudan amid many competing powers, particularly Iran, remains uncertain.
The possibility of Iran establishing a presence along the western shores of the Red Sea has raised alarms for the UAE and other Arab states engaged in Sudan, according to officials.
This anxiety is fueling a proxy war and prompting rival powers to increase their arms shipments to Sudan, driving the beleaguered country closer to total collapse.
While the UAE claims that Sudanese refugees appreciate the assistance it provides, discontent is growing among others.
Last week, during a visit to a hospital in Chad aimed at showcasing her country’s humanitarian efforts, UAE Minister Lana Nusseibeh faced an irate Sudanese refugee.
“You know very well that you started this war!” he shouted at a public gathering, a confrontation that quickly went viral on social media. “We don’t want anything from you, except for you to stop.”
Speaking anonymously over the phone, a man identified only as Suleiman expressed his deep-seated anger during a conversation about his experiences. He revealed that the brutality inflicted by the Rapid Support Forces compelled him to flee Sudan a year ago, joining the ranks of the 800,000 refugees currently in Chad.
When confronted with the Emirati minister, Suleiman felt he was looking at “the reason my home was destroyed.”
“I lost everything,” he lamented. “I had to stand up and voice what was in my heart.”
