The UAE is seen as the most invested foreign player in the civil war in Sudan, at a time when there are no signs of the fighting subsiding. Efforts to initiate peace talks have failed due to foreign interference that has contributed to the prolongation of the violence.
In only a year of civil war, Sudan has turned into one of the worst humanitarian crises globally. Once considered Africa’s largest agricultural producer and a potential breadbasket for the region, the country now stands on the edge of a devastating famine.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reports that more than 7 million people have been displaced internally, while nearly 2 million have sought refuge in neighboring countries. Furthermore, 25 million people—half of the population—urgently need humanitarian aid. Estimates suggest that over 20,000 individuals have lost their lives since the conflict started in April 2023.
Regional powers and neighboring countries have rallied behind one of the two generals at the center of the conflict: Abdel Fattah al-Burhan from the Sudanese Armed Forces and Mohamed “Hemedti” Dagalo from the Rapid Support Forces. In the meantime, the United Nations has accused both sides of committing war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
Sudan is surrounded by major arms trafficking hubs. Weapons and ammunition are smuggled through countries such as Libya, Chad, and the Central African Republic. Nations like the UAE are supplying arms to the conflict through these routes, violating the United Nations arms embargo on Sudan.
The UAE stands out as the most significant foreign investor in the conflict, perceiving resource-rich Sudan and its strategic position as a chance to enhance its influence and control in the Middle East and East Africa.
Since 2018, the UAE has invested more than $6 billion in Sudan. This investment encompasses foreign reserves in the Sudanese central bank, agricultural initiatives, and a port on the Red Sea.
The UAE has also enlisted and funded fighters from Sudan, primarily from the Rapid Support Forces, to participate in its conflict in Yemen.
Since 2019, the UAE has been actively working to disrupt the democratic transition in Sudan after the removal of long-time President Omar al-Bashir.
Abu Dhabi has sought to empower the military and the paramilitary forces against the civilian wing of the government. With the outbreak of civil war, the UAE has focused on supporting the Rapid Support Forces militias.
Abu Dhabi has repeatedly denied its involvement in arming the paramilitary forces or supporting their leader, Hemedti. However, evidence suggests otherwise, and the UAE’s dark role in the war has become an “open secret.”
American rapper Macklemore’s announcement to cancel a concert in Dubai in October 2024, citing the UAE’s role in “genocide and the ongoing humanitarian crisis,” has drawn international attention to Abu Dhabi’s involvement in the war.
The UAE’s involvement in Sudan highlights a broader pattern in the emirate’s foreign policy over the past decade: forming alliances with local powers to secure geopolitical and economic interests throughout the Middle East and East Africa.
In Sudan, the UAE has collaborated with Russia to support the Rapid Support Forces through the Wagner Group. The Wagner Group has been active in Sudan since 2017, primarily in connection with resource extraction projects in regions like Darfur, where Hemedti’s forces have been active and have become a central ally in these efforts.
According to UN experts, the UAE has established logistical operations to send weapons to the Rapid Support Forces through its networks in Libya, Chad, the Central African Republic, South Sudan, and Uganda, disguising the arms and supplies as humanitarian aid.
The interactions and alliances between the UAE and the Rapid Support Forces reflect the complex and opaque nature of modern geopolitical maneuvers in Sudan.
Reports suggest that Hemedti serves as a guardian of UAE interests in Sudan, encompassing gold and agricultural products.
Gold has been a key driver of the conflict in Sudan, enabling both sides to fund their war machines. The UAE is the primary beneficiary of this trade, receiving nearly all the smuggled gold from Sudan and becoming a hub for laundering this gold into the global market.
Recent available statistics show that the UAE officially imported precious metals from Sudan worth approximately $2.3 billion in 2022.
Furthermore, the UAE relies on imports for 90% of its food supplies. Following the global food crisis in 2007, Abu Dhabi prioritized food security and began investing in agricultural land overseas.
In Sudan, two UAE companies are farming over 50,000 hectares in the northern region, with plans to expand further. The agricultural products are subsequently shipped across the Red Sea.
To avoid the Sudanese port operated by the government, the UAE entered into a new agreement in 2022 to construct a new port along the Sudanese coast, managed by Abu Dhabi Ports Group.
The UAE has utilized the Rapid Support Forces to secure its interests and ambitions in achieving food security.
Who can break the deadlock in Sudan?
The humanitarian crisis in Sudan is worsening, yet the international community has taken limited action to address it.
Besides its inability to secure adequate assistance for Sudan, the international community has not applied any pressure on the UAE. The United Nations Security Council has failed to respond to the credible claims presented by its expert panel regarding Abu Dhabi’s involvement in Sudan.
Human Rights Watch has accused the Rapid Support Forces of perpetrating genocide, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing in the ongoing conflict. Yet, there are no indications that the UAE will be held accountable for its involvement with the paramilitary group, as the country continues to leverage its alliances with the West.
If the international community does not take steps to stop foreign actors from exacerbating the conflict, Sudan risks descending into a devastating humanitarian crisis that could impact the world for decades ahead.