Two days ago, the UAE announced the death of six of its soldiers in a new episode of a long series of years of deaths of Emiratis due to wars and aggressive interventions of the state.
The official UAE News Agency (WAM) said that the General Command of the Armed Forces “announced the death of six of its valiant soldiers as a result of a collision of military vehicles while performing their national duty in the ground of operations (without disclosing the place).
The agency did not announce what mission they were doing, or where they fell.
The way the UAE leadership announced the killing of its six soldiers showed its keenness not to provoke the internal street and the families of the soldiers killed because of the fronts in which the UAE fights and send their children to die, without a clear goal for their country from the blood flowing.
The UAE is fighting in Yemen through its alliance with Saudi Arabia, in addition to supporting separatist militias and a number of other armed groups, in order to divide the country and control its strategic ports in the Red Sea.
A Yemeni armored vehicle exploded Thursday in the Abu Dhabi-controlled city of Aden through the forces of the so-called “Southern Transitional Council” after the coup against the legitimate government headed by Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi, local sources said.
The sources pointed out that the explosion occurred in Khor Maksar Directorate in Aden, and surrounded the forces of the UAE and loyal to the place and prevented from approaching.
The UAE is also fighting in Libya, along with retired Major General Khalifa Haftar, in its battle against the internationally recognized Government of National Accord, where it has a number of soldiers overseeing the dispatch of drones and command rooms, Libyan officials revealed.
The UAE armed forces are using Al-Kharouba military base, about 1,300 kilometers southeast of the capital Tripoli, to transport weapons, military experts and officers supporting Haftar in his war on Libyan cities.
A spokesman for the Government of National Accord, Mustafa al-Mujai, has threatened to target the UAE’s al-Kharrouba base.
“We will hold all those who signed the agreement to establish the UAE base in our country to be held accountable after the battle with Khalifa Haftar ended,” he said.
The UAE has a military presence in the breakaway territory of Somaliland, which is not recognized internationally through the military base it established in the city of Berbera overlooking Bab al-Mandab, which has a number of soldiers.
Abu Dhabi has set up a military base north of the port of Assab in Eritrea, where it takes off and arrives military aircraft type “Mirage Alfan”, in addition to Boeing Lum aircraft, a Chinese unmanned military aircraft, attack helicopters, and transport aircraft, including “C17 Globe Master, and the battle tanks “Leclerc.”
The UAE also applied to Djibouti to establish a military base to monitor the situation in Aden, but it refused, merely granting Saudi and Emirati forces the right to use a small military facility in the area of Harmous, near Camp Limone.
Observers confirm that the UAE has lost in its military interventions outside its borders since 2015 about 111 members of its military forces, mostly in Yemen.
The UAE’s intervention in Yemen was preceded by its intervention in Afghanistan in cooperation with the United States. These interventions represented a field training opportunity for its forces, which have not been directly tested before.
Since its military intervention in Yemen, along with Saudi Arabia, the UAE has been known to support entities outside the south of the country and to finance militias loyal to it.
The UAE has also acquired the coasts, ports and islands of Yemen, and has created a different understanding of its objective of intervening in Yemen related to the domination of areas bordering international corridors, as well as working on the west coast of the Red Sea in Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti.
The intervention of the UAE reveals that it causes a lot of chaos, which sometimes leads to the division of states, or provoke separatist demands within the same country, as is happening now in Yemen and Libya, according to Al-Qasim.
It is noteworthy that the UAE’s human losses, although encapsulated in defense of legitimacy, are poured into purely reformist agendas. The UAE has three types of troops in Yemen; the first is 1,500 soldiers and officers from the UAE army who often carry out training missions.
The second force consists of Yemeni recruits who receive training, funding, armament and orders from the UAE, and are not under the supervision of the Yemeni army command.
The third force consists of international mercenaries recruited approximately 1,800 mercenaries from Colombia, Panama, El Salvador, Chile and Eritrea, and structurally belong to the UAE presidential guard force.
The UAE also hired former US officers who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan to improve the performance of its forces in Yemen, which means additional expenses to include losses there.